The Covid-19 pandemic also has been an impediment for many women hoping to start their own businesses. With their children at home because of cancelled schools and husbands or partners marching off to work, many struggled to find time for entrepreneurship. She said there should be more credit available for women business owners and more done to care for children, the sick and the elderly, which are responsibilities that now fall mainly on Cuba’s women. AIynn Torres, a researcher on gender issues at the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, said that while Cuba “made a very big leap” in the 1960s and ’70s in bring women into the workforce, its efforts have stagnated. Yet Cuban women who are seeking to take part in the island’s gradual opening to independent small businesses say they are facing unique challenges put up by a patriarchal society that favors men and male-owned businesses. "It is not legal but it is not illegal either (...)," tattoo artist Santana told Reuters as she began work on a tattoo. "All tattoo artists use the internet to promote ourselves. I have my Instagram page, contact with my clients online," she said.
- On the other hand, I feel that in addition to my Afro-Cuban rituals, I am steeped in Mexican spirituality, its rites, and its worldview.
- Both options may work pretty well, but you should consider all the pitfalls to make the right choice and develop a good strategy to avoid disappointment.
- ❌ Never say anything bad about her friends—for local girls and even Cuban society at large, that sense of community is important, especially when it comes to deep personal bonds.
- As for Cuban women in night clubs—-I saw some behavior very close to what you describe in a nightclub here in the states..
The 1901 Constitution of Cuba, adopted after the island secured independence from Spain, blocked women from the right to vote. By the 1920s, a mass movement of feminists had formed to fight for their rights. She co-founded one of the most influential organizations of the time, the Feminine Club and National Women’s Congress—the meeting of various feminist groups to debate strategy and policies.
She pledged her support to the revolutionary cause after Fidel Castro and his men led the notorious attack on the Moncada Barracks. De los Santos aided rebel survivors, smuggled arms for guerrilla fighters and joined the revolutionary army in the mountains, where she instructed illiterate soldiers and rural children.
It was a full turnout in lecture room VC with both faculty and students helping to honor these five pioneering women. After coffee, doughnuts and some more on this theme at https://absolute-woman.com/latin-women/cuban-women/ morning mingling between the authors and the https://ruanghukum.com/2023/01/22/husband-of-ex-japanese-princess-passes-new-york-bar-exam/ Baruch community the event officially began. Illuminated in the glow of the wall-size Cuban Women Poets in New York book cover, Weissman School of Arts & Sciences Dean Dr. Jeffrey Peck opened the event with welcoming words. Villanova University was founded in 1842 by the Order of St. Augustine.
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In the new Communist government, de los Santos had a part in the Cuban Literacy Program and served as Minister of Education. During the Cuban Revolution, women were mobilized and obtained unparalleled rights compared to the rest of Latin America. For example, they were able to obtain the 1975 Cuban Family Code. This code outlawed discrimination against women and girls, even within the family. The 1975 Family Code stated that both husband and wife share an equal amount of responsibilities in the household. According to the Federation of Cuban women, the Family Code is an educational example for young generations.
Doctors and professors are technically state-employed and, therefore, earn the standard state wage of about $30 per month. This means women employed in these traditionally high-paying fields are denied access to even monetary power as a form of establishing more of an equal footing with men.
She relies on an impressive array of historic documentation—ranging from radio transmissions and clandestine press leaflets to oral history and personal communications—to establish the nature and extent of women’s participation in the M-26-7 anti-Batista efforts. However, the meticulous piecing together of the historical record on the role of women in the rebel movement is quite a different task from then establishing the absence of women in the Cuban War Story, as Bayard de Volo also claims to do. I do not find the same methodological care and rigor to be evident for the period after the rebel victory.
5.4.1 Proportion of time spent on unpaid domestic chores and care work. 1.3.1 Proportion of population above statutory pensionable age receiving a pension. Second, because it didn’t make sense to go through the whole process of motherhood here when my partner and I were migrants. That’s why, when we got pregnant, we decided to do everything in Cuba and give birth there, where I also have a sister who is a doctor who followed up the whole process. It was nice, I was with my “herd,” despite all the readjustments that motherhood implies, despite all the obstetric violence that I suffered, I really enjoyed having my family close by. Battered by low economic productivity as well as the obstacles presented by the U.S. embargo, Cuba’s government a gradual opening of the private sector during the last decade.
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On the discursive side, “rebels used narratives of women’s contributions in prior conflicts to legitimize contemporary women’s activism and inspire Cubans more generally to rebellion” (p. 23). From a military perspective, “tactics developed in the wars of independence were applied to the 1950s insurrection, and some women active in Cuba’s 1930s rebellion transferred their political experience to the 1950s, lending a sense of continuity as well as efficacy” (p. 25). In actuality, employed women in Cuba do not hold positions of power—either political or monetary. The https://www.crechemaerchenland.com/2023/01/19/julie-otsukas-the-buddha-in-the-attic-is-a-shimmering-novel-of-mail-order-brides/ Cuban Congress, although elected by the people, is not the political body that truly calls the shots. The Cuban Communist Party—only about 7 percent of which is made up of women—holds true political power. Markedly, the systems of evaluating gender equality in other countries around the world aren’t universally applicable, as women are much less represented in the true governing body of Cuba than we are led to believe. In addition, the professions that are usually synonymous with monetary wealth and the power and access that come with it (doctors, professors, etc.) do not yield the same financial reward here.
Arturo Arango: “The great issue in Cuba continues to be material survival”
She studied in Havana, Cuba during the fall 2015 semester and blogged for the Junior Year Abroad Network. She enjoyed exploring the thoughts of the Cuban people as relations continue to thaw between their country and the United States. “The constitution of the Republic of Cuba continues to speak in the masculine. Terry, a lawyer and women’s activist, said the real problem is Cuba’s social construct. “Being a woman and being Black means that we face certain barriers, not only in the social world but also within the entrepreneurship itself,” said Yurena Manfugás at the clothing shop she opened with her mother, Deyni Terry, to cater to Afro-Cuban women. “It is a very new thing that women are joining little by little and I hope that soon that will really change, because although we are the directors of the house, there are many empowered women,” said Ana Mae Inda, who sells children’s clothes.
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You are all special for the simple reason that you are all women. "Unlike just three years ago, today we can say that women are getting tattooed here on a daily basis," Arrieta told Reuters amid a photo session in Havana. While tattoos themselves are not illegal in Cuba, the island's traditional "machista" culture has long stygmatized the practice, relegating it largely to seamen, prostitutes and prisoners. Before the success of the Cuban Revolution in 1959, abortion in Cuba was illegal and contraceptives inaccessible. Reproductive health laws were patterned after the 1870 Penal Code in Spain, making abortion highly restrictive. In 1936, some of the more restrictive laws were rewritten and put into the new penal code, called the Social Defense Code.